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Introduction



Bob van der Winden 


"We need to clear the ruins in the minds of people", says Fernando Pacheco in angola.

"we have the infrastructure and the conditions ... to conduct a real public debate, but the mentality is not the right one", Es'kia Mphahlele from South Africa points out.

"After so many years where everything was prohibited", Pushpa Jamieson from Malawi observes, "Freedom is a bomb that explodes in your head".



    Freedom of expression is not easily achieved, especially not if a country has a history of violence, repression, dictatorship or war. To what extent are press freedom and freedom of speech and expression embedded in the newly found democracies in Southern Africa? This question has prompted the Netherlands institute for Southern Africa (NiZA), in close cooperation with the Media Institute for Southern Africa (MISA), to organise a mission through South Africa, Malawi, Zimbabwe and Angola from 10 to 31 August 1998. This report is a result of that mission. The countries selected provide a good overview of the current state of affairs in Southern Africa. South Africa is still in the euphoric phase after having freed itself from apartheid, but, partly due to the increasing pressure brought to bear on a critical independent press, some cynicism about the future is becoming apparent. In Malawi it was only five years ago that the dictatorship under Banda made way for a hesitant democracy. Zimbabwe freed itself from colonialism eighteen years ago but still does not have a fully guaranteed freedom of expression. Angola, finally, which is one of the two Portuguese-language countries, is coping with a lengthy war, which has still not ended.

    After a preliminary investigation by NiZA and MISA, we decided to limit ourselves to these four countries. However, this does not imply that other countries in the region should be ignored. MISA publishes an annual survey of the state of the media in Southern Africa ('So this is democracy', MISA, Windhoek 1998). NiZ9A published a Media Cahier ('Media and Democratisation in Southern Africa') in 1997. Our aim is to add something new to the available factual knowledge by presenting in this report a series of articles and interviews that offer a review of the issues of the media in Southern Africa, in the manner of the media themselves.

    In all the countries concerned more people have been consulted than would appear from the interviews in this report. Preliminary research was conducted in March 1998 by Peter van den Akker (Johannesburg) and Bert Freriks and Bob van der Winden (NiZA). They visited over 40 media organisations in South Africa, varying from small community radio stations to the Freedom of Expression Institute. In Zimbabwe visits were paid to fifteen organisations, while the MISA chapter organised meetings with over ten individual journalists. We were able to attend a meeting of the Malawian chapter which brought us into contact with a few dozens of journalists and media organisations. Finally, in Angola we travelled round all media organisations, training institutes, government institutes and non-governmental organisations that wanted to raise something about the subject; in total we contacted more than 30 organisations and individuals. Jennifer Mufune, who is responsible for the contacts between MISA chapters in the various countries and MISA headquarters in Windhoek, was a member of the delegation. She, more than anybody else, is up to date with the current developments of the media in Southern Africa.

    Contributions to this report have been made by a media activist (Jennifer Mufune, MISA, Namibia), a journalist (Aart Brouwer, the Netherlands), a writer (Stephan Sanders, the Netherlands), a radio producer (Peter van den Akker, Johannesburg) and a programme officer of a donor organisation (Bob van der Winden, NiZA, the Netherlands). The appendix was prepared by the historian Maud van Gaal (the Netherlands).

    The report deals with the press and the broadcasting media in the four countries discussed. The focus of the discussion differs with each country. With regard to South Africa the focus is on the history of the media (Es'kia Mphahlele) and the booming community media sector (especially community radio). The contributions on Malawi show that after years of dictatorship all of a sudden anything is possible: 'Freedom is a bomb that explodes in your head.' In Zimbabwe we looked at the accessibility of the media for large communities in a stagnating society, while in Angola the obvious topic of interest was that of the impact of the war on the media.


South Africa

    South Africa occupies a special place in the Southern African media landscape. Printed mass media have a much larger circulation than they have in the rest of the region. The Sowetan alone has a circulation of 1 million, which is more than the combined circulation of all newspapers in all the other SADC countries. The ongoing dominance of whites in journalism causes the press to be less pluralistic than one would expect on the basis of the large number of papers. Another problem faced by the South African press is the increasing intolerance from government circles vis-à-vis critical reporting. Self-censorship is another remnant of years of repression. The broadcasting sector is changing. Peter van den Akker, who has been involved in community radio in South Africa for several years, writes about the achievements, shortcomings and challenges of the medium.


Malawi

    Stephan Sanders ('Drink and write') sketches the current situation in the country, concentrating on the media. In Malawi the delegation was made to face the fact that a genuine culture of pluralism and exchange of opinions cannot be expected to take root easily after centuries of colonialism and repression. This led to one of the main conclusions of our mission, viz., that support to the media will not suffice: the whole process of developing opinions and the fight for real freedom should be supported. Bob van der Winden ('Malawi still a one-radio state') describes the regularly changing political stand of media that are state-owned. A positive sign is to be discerned in the recently issued licence to a women's community radio station. Jennifer Mufune discusses the press in 'Freedom for those who own a press'. Of the 47 papers launched in 1991 the majority were established to support the aspirations of specific political groups and persons, and of the twenty periodicals left, most are still owned by political parties or individual politicians. Genuinely journalistic products are rare.


Zimbabwe

    Stephan Sanders ('Freedom and opinion') depicts the limited access to the media which people in rural areas and gays and lesbians have in Zimbabwe. No newspapers appear in the rural areas and people cannot afford a radio or batteries. Even if they could, they would often not be able to receive the programmes; besides, of the latter only few are broadcasted in the local languages. Gays and lesbians in the cities, who have no access to the media either, contend with a different problem: they can read all the newspapers, but if anything is written about them at all, it is discriminatory. Jennifer Mufune ('Broadcasting in Zimbabwe') discusses the stagnating liberalisation of radio and television, while Bob van der Winden ('Bubbling Zimbabwe') describes new developments in the press that hopefully will lead to increased pluralism and an improved accessibility.


Angola

    What is the impact on the freedom of thought of almost 40 years of war and a barely functioning society? The answer can be found in 'Angola, mon amour' by Stephan Sanders: self-censorship and a manipulated rosy image of the reality dominate most minds, also in journalism. Jennifer Mufune ('Independent media need support') and Bob van der Winden ('Media for millionaires') provide overviews of the most important problems facing the press and the broadcasting media, respectively. The most important problem is the prevalent polarisation of the media by the warring parties. There is no free information available: the two or three weekly magazines that can write reasonably freely have a circulation of only 15,000 on a population of 11 million. Moreover, they have to operate in the constraining environment of paper shortages, intimidation of editors, attacks and bans on the distribution.


Conviction or lip service?

    In the appendix, Maud van Gaal offers an overview of the international treaties dealing with freedom of expression to which the SADC countries are party. Most Southern African countries support the principle of dualism in the rule of law, which means that every country needs to translate international treaties on the freedom of expression into national legislation for them to become operative nationally. International treaties alone provide too many escape routes. In both Malawi and Zimbabwe work has been done to design a comprehensive legislation. This example should be followed by other SADC countries.


Conclusions

The conclusions and recommendations of the delegation mainly aim at stimulating the exchange of ideas on new initiatives in this area. NiZA will therefore spread this report as widely as possible, especially in the Southern African region itself. NiZA will furthermore discuss the report with its partners in the region and like-minded organisations in Europe.

  1. Our first and foremost conclusion is that in this post-colonial, still unstable situation, there is a great need for large communities to inform each other and to be informed. The role of pluralistic, independent media in the widest sense is therefore crucial. Without media serving as the watchdog of the democratic process in Southern Africa, there is little hope for structural change.

  2. There are no quick and easy solutions. A proactive and comprehensive policy is needed to stimulate free communication and accessible and independent media. This policy will have to be carried and initiated by the media themselves.

  3. Naturally the media need support to acquire a free and independent communication. If the respective governments do not want freedom of expression and efforts to establish a greater freedom are systematically met with persecution, threats or imprisonment, international support is of vital importance.

  4. If one wants to establish a free and critical press, the issue of self-censorship will need to be discussed. The lack of freedom is not only determined by legal impediments, but is also entrenched in the minds of people. If the press is not convinced of the absolute necessity for open communication and critical analyses, it will fall prey to the whims of governments.

  5. Free media and democratisation are partners. The one cannot go without the other. An independent press is the necessary ground on which democratic developments can build. Moreover, an independent press can counterbalance the war propaganda that is poured out over communities in some parts of the region. The delegation travelled in Southern Africa at a time when local conflicts were spreading to a large regional conflict with an amazing speed. We are convinced that support for local media and peace initiatives will be badly needed over the decades to come.

  6. A free and independent press needs free and independent citizens who are not scared to vent their opinions, have their own views and be critical if necessary. People can only be formed by opinions and views if they have access to a variety of sources of information. Currently a majority of the population in Southern Africa do not have such access to information.


Recommendations

  1. Independent and pluralistic media are essential for democratisation and development


    Over the past years many international donors have withdrawn their support for the independent media and transferred it to the support of good governance and democratisation. We plead a resumption of support for the media. In this time of national conflicts escalating into a regional war it is, more than ever before, necessary that the voice of civil society is heard.


  2. Community media

    There is an urgent need to involve the people in the rural areas, but also those living in towns. Special programmes for community media should be developed to involve the great majority of people who have never had the opportunity to speak out. Currently over 70 per cent of the people in Southern Africa (except in South Africa) have no other option than to listen to biased programmes broadcast by state-owned radio stations. Therefore we recommend to encourage and support community radio stations and, for a start, to encourage the ownership of radios as a first step to provide this great majority with their own means of communication. This should be accompanied by adequate training, especially in (local) journalism. The delegation welcomes MISA's 'Open the Waves' campaign and recommends support for it.


  3. Freedom of thinking and exchange of views

    Many media workers still work in an unfavourable environment and are under constant threat. Many governments are still hostile to independent media. The answer lies in opening up communication lines and getting to understand the other's position, and finding ways and opportunities to work together instead of encouraging the current trend where either party is seen as an obstacle. For example, workshops should be organised and projects should be launched jointly with (local) government officials. On the other hand, most of the journalists working for the independent press are not professionally trained; hence their articles are sometimes sadly lacking in content. Often this is due to years of living under colonialism, dictatorship and other undemocratic circumstances. These deeper reasons for a lack of (self)criticism with media practitioners as well as civil servants in particular require a long-term involvement. Training at all levels should be encouraged. Emphasis should be put on training in independent thinking, investigative journalism and setting an own agenda of 'journalism in its own right'. Donors could encourage this by supplying training, but first and foremost by encouraging and financing a real exchange of ideas with other media practitioners in the world. 'Linking' of programmes between comparable media should be encouraged.


  4. Access to information

    Access to information is severely restricted in most of the countries visited; media freedom is not guaranteed. If journalists don't get access to information, no reader or listener will get hold of it. The education of the public is also severely hampered by a lack of information about, e.g., basic human rights and media freedom issues. Donors could support Human Rights committees and Civic Education organisations to train media practitioners and (local) government. However, the example of community radio in South Africa shows that messages of little substance imposed by foreign donors are not the answer. What is needed is a greater emphasis on support to Southern African non-governmental organisations, enabling them to develop their own media policies, and support that will enable Southern African media to develop their own human-rights approach. Besides, special programmes for journalists who would like to work on specific issues (investigative journalism) could be designed in order to make it economically possible to conduct research and write their articles in peace ('Funds for special journalistic projects').


  5. Legislation

    In spite of having endorsed the 1991 Windhoek Declaration, many of the SADC countries have not yet made notable progress towards securing the rights and freedoms of access to information, media independence and diversity as envisaged by the Declaration. All the Southern African countries have bound themselves to abide by the principles of the Windhoek Declaration, which in effect guarantees the free flow of information without interference of any governmental, political or economic control. Inadequate legal frameworks in many of the countries still retain laws inherited from colonial and one-party state times. We call upon all Southern African governments to bring their national legislation in accordance with the regionally endorsed principles of the Windhoek Declaration. International donors could support this by financing legal aid to media practitioners' organisations in order to facilitate research into the old laws as well as the development of new ones.

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